A Forum for Discussing and Analyzing Healthcare Issues

New Year, New Decade, New City, New Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
January 4th, 2010

For the new year and new decade I’ve relocated back to Washington DC to be more directly engaged with the implementation of health reform and related initiatives.

Packing, moving and unpacking took longer than expected - sort of like passing health reform legislation - and I apologize for my infrequent postings. Being back in more direct contact with policy makers, national advocates and others here in DC, I’ll be writing more frequently and in greater detail about the implications and expectations of health reform legislation, law(s), and implementation.

On the horizon is the development and passage of legislation combining the House and Senate health reform bills.  The Conferees and Congressional staff certainly have some policy and political challenges in melding the two bills into one.  Like most complex legislative initiatives, it is likely that action will be precipitated by Congressional recesses - the first one in 2010 is in mid-February.  Since fast action wasn’t the guiding principle for getting health reform legislation this far, it is unlikely it will be brought to the President’s desk very soon.  However, with both chambers having passed legislation it is very unlikely that they won’t bring it across the finish line - at which point the work will shift to the ginormous tasks of writing regulations and implementation.  As always, make sure to wear your seat belts and keep your eyes on the road, but be on the lookout for erratic drivers.

Playing Poker with Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
December 16th, 2009

The National Journal’s December 5th issue has a very interesting article comparing President Obama’s approach to key issues to his poker playing style.  (The issue cover states, “Obama as Poker Player.”)

Having played poker for over 45 years, I find the article’s discussion of his cautious approach and preference for standard games very enlightening. For many people today, poker is about Texas Hold’em, a game that is great for TV but rather simplistic in some ways because each player only has 2 cards and shares 5 others.  The National Journal discusses the intellectual, strategic, and personality difference between this game, and more sophisticated games such as five-card draw and seven card stud - as well as more “wild” games such as baseball, although it doesn’t mention my crazed favorite, midnight baseball.

What the National Journal doesn’t discuss is the difference between playing poker on-line versus in-person, and the difference between playing with a bunch of strangers and playing with people you know and might interact with professionally.  These differences are very significant, since playing on-line is all about the odds, and “reading” people can only be done via their betting behaviors.  However, playing in-person enables a player to physically read the opponents, (i.e. see their “tells”), and playing good poker is primarily about playing the other people, and secondarily about playing the cards in your hand and on the table.  And reading the other people becomes even more important - as well as possible - when playing with people you know and have interacted with in other settings, such as negotiating legislation.

So for the President, applying lessons and strategies from poker to health reform, Iran, and other key issues may work well, but I also hope that he remembers that great players don’t win every tournament, and the key to long-term success is knowing when to fold, when and how to bet, and perhaps most importantly how to see around the table to what is likely coming up in future deals so one can be in the game and optimally positioned for future hands.

Healthcare Reform’s House of Cards
For the current health reform efforts, it seems that the cards are being reshuffled and new hands dealt at a time when the legislative house of cards should be getting its final touches and glued together.  Instead, the house of cards seems to keep collapsing - although Senator Reid, (and the President), are doing their best quick-handed action to keep rebuilding it for another try before minor or major political quakes send the cards scattering again. From a fundamental process level, the pulling in and pushing out of new ideas - such as a allowing some younger people to join or buy-into Medicare - is what might have been expected in April, May or June, but not December, and this is not a good sign for enactment of a law anytime soon.

The Substance of Health (Insurance) Reform Without a Public Optio
At this point, it seems that a public option is out of the equation, and some House Members are signaling that they could pass such a bill, but some on the left are arguing that no bill is better than a new law without a public option.  Despite these loud protests, not having a public option isn’t the end of the world, (sorry HD), and I’ll soon write why insurance reforms and coverage expansion are much more important, (sorry MoveOn.org), based upon my past experience with health reform legislation, my time in Massachusetts, and my very recent and ongoing ground-level experience in getting new health insurance in the District of Columbia as I prepare to move there from Cambridge, MA. (Preview - Community rating and guarantee issue by non-profit insurers v. medical underwriting by for-profit minded insurers.)

Historical Perspectives on Health Policy: Part 3

By Michael D. Miller MD
December 4th, 2009

I just found my copy of the book “Improving Health Policy and Management” edited by Stephen Shortell and Uwe Reinhardt.  The book’s eleven chapters address many of the hot-button issues in today’s health reform debate:

  1. Creating and Executing Health Policy
  2. Minimum Health Insurance Benefits
  3. Caring for the Disabled Elderly
  4. An Overview of Rural Health Care
  5. Effectiveness Research and the Impact of Financial Incentives and Outcomes
  6. Changing Provider Behavior: Applying Research on Outcomes and Effectiveness in Health Care
  7. Health Care Cost Containment
  8. Redesign of Delivery Systems to Enhance Productivity
  9. Medical Malpractice
  10. Prolongation of Life: The Issues and the Questions
  11. Challenges for Health Services Research

The observant ready will notice one critical issue from today’s debate missing from this list… Information technology.  That is because this book was published in 1992… and actually the titles of the first and last chapters also included “in the 1990s.”

What this points out is that the fundamental issues of controlling costs, defining benefits, and improving efficiency in care delivery and through financial incentives are not new to the health care debate.  Reinforcing this historical reality, I recently ran into Professor Stuart Altman from Brandeis - who is one of the most insightful and clear thinking non-ideological health policy expert I’ve ever had the pleasure of talking to and hearing testify before Congress. And he told me on a rainy NYC sidewalk that he has been talking to people across the country about how the current debate is both similar to and different than the early 1990s, the 1980s, the 1970s….. and back to even the 1930s…and despite the ongoing delays he is hopeful that legislation will be enacted this time.

So while the issues haven’t changed, and likely won’t change no matter what legislation is enacted in the coming months, (and years), the hope is that this time around progress will be made so that health care becomes less of a national obsession, (and drag on the economy), and people and politicians can focus on life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, rather than illness, accessing needed treatments, and financial uncertainty.

End of the Beginning for Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 29th, 2009

This week’s Economist has an article titled “The beginning of the end” about the coming Senate debate.  But I think they have it exactly wrong.  The passage of legislation through the Senate - and then ultimately through a Conference Committee and by both houses so it can be signed by the President - would be the end of the beginning for health reform.

In contrast to the many, many hours of work by Members of Congress, many more by their staff, and probably even more by interest groups and activists across the country, the implementation of a new set of laws will be the real beginning.  Implementing a new law reforming the insurance industry - and myriad other parts of the healthcare delivery and financing systems - will require drafting of many rules and regulation, reviewing and commenting on the drafts, digesting those comments, issuing final rules and regulations,  drafting RFPs for contracts to run various new entities, (such as insurance exchanges), awarding those contracts, and possibly hiring employees for new functions such as a Medicare Advisory Board. Whew.

It now seems that the likelihood of a new health reform law being enacted during this Congress (probably sometime in February or March) has tipped into the greater than 50% category - but just barely. (National Journal has 2 great articles about the current precarious situation - one about the process and politics in the Senate, and the other about eight key stakeholder groups and their issues and concerns.) However,  even if the political and substantive issues can be tweaked into good-enough alignment that would enable enactment today, many different events and scenarios that are too complex and numerous to list here could still derail the process.

If the legislation fails to pass at this 715th minute, then there will still be followed by a vast outpouring of activity.  But instead of being focused on a specific law, it will be about how to address access and cost at the state level, in the private sector, and via more pilots, demonstrations and other variations within the existing authority of Medicare and other government programs. However, without a new law these activities will be much less focus and contained - and much of the effort will be discussion and analysis about what should be done and where limited resources should go, rather than focused on implementing new initiatives.

These two options remind me of a question someone asked me at Thanksgiving dinner, “Don’t they [Congress] have to do something since we can’t continue the way things are?” The presumption that if no legislation passes, then nothing will change is a false assumption.  With no major health reform laws for the last 20-30 years, the healthcare system has changed dramatically - both through private sector and government actions.  Clearly those actions have been imperfect and temporizing rather than addressing fundamental problems, but they have resulted in change.

Which scenario will be “better” depends upon who you are and how the current situation is benefiting or hurting you and your family.  Certainly, for the majority of Americans, having a new law would be better because it would improve their security for having insurance that they can depend on and know is stable - a theme that has persisted since the early 1990s and was reemphasized this summer by David Kendall and his colleagues at Third Way.

What “Will” Happen With Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 29th, 2009

With the Senate scheduled to start debating (and likely amending) health reform legislation this coming week, speculation is rampant about what will happen with health reform.  Since the title of this blog is “health policy and communications,” I want to focus on the use of language in discussing health issues, studies, proposals and legislation - specifically the word “will.”

The word “will” is very strong and it implies a high degree of certainty about predicting future events, such as “The Sun will come up tomorrow morning.”   And while I have no problem with predicting the future - as my friends know, I have a great reputation for predicting the future, particularly about sporting events like fake punts and winning 8 straight games to win a World Series - but using the word “will” to describe the implications of scientific studies, or legislation and policy proposals, can be misleading.

Specifically, the word “will” is often used loosely as a stand in for the phrases, “is projected to be” or “is estimated to be.” For example, in a recent press release for a study about diabetes in the US it was reported that, “The diabetes population in the United States will almost double over the next 25 years…” Interestingly, the next part of that sentence states, “and annual medical spending on the disease is projected to hit $336 billion, up from $113 billion today…”  So apparently future costs can only be projected, but future cases of diabetes can be predicted with much greater certainty. [emphasis added]

Assumptions v. Future Reality
The reason to be concerned about the use of this type of language is because although the methodology for any study or projection may be valid and reasonable, its conclusions are only as good as its assumptions. And as ever researcher and policy person knows, many, many, many things can occur that cause reality to differ from what is projected based upon those assumptions - particularly over the course of 25 years. Think about it, how accurate do you think the predictions about 2009 were in 1984?

Media Contributes to Impression of Inevitability with Language
The media also tends to propagate some misleading impressions.  For example, the phraseology about the implications of the diabetes study was copied by multiple new sources - such as Time Magazine - and even expanded upon by the Chicago Tribune to imply that costs will also dramatically increase, “…diabetes cases will nearly double in the U.S. in the next 25 years and the cost of treating the disease will almost triple…” and CNN, “The number of Americans with diabetes will nearly double in the next 25 years, and the costs of treating them will triple…”[emphasis added]

What Will Happen With Legislation
It is also common so see the word “will” used when referring to legislation.  Many politicians and pundits use it in asserting that various bills and provisions “will do” something specific, such as expanding coverage, controlling costs, etc… when actually they are referring to projections or estimates - often from the Congressional Budget Office which is generally very careful about describing their work as projections or estimates.

The reason politicians, pundits, and others use the word “will” is because it is very effective in rallying support for (or against) specific bills or proposals, since it increases the impact on the listener (or reader), makes them feel more concerned about the issue, and increases the likelihood that they will  take some desired action.  Thus politicians and PR people use the word “will” rather than “projected” or “estimated.”  So the next time you hear a speech or news report about legislation that states the bill “will” do something in terms of changing the number of people with some benefit, or it “will” cost or save so much, substitute the phrase, “is projected to” for “will” in your mind, and see how much less impact and traction the message has - and you’ll see why the word is used.

The only drawback for politicians of making such statements, is that 5-10 years later when the actual results are different than what was projected or estimated, there can be rhetorical battles about why someone “promised” that the legislation “would” do something, yet the actual results were different.  (A great example of this was the provisions in the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 that were intended to expand options for Medicare HMO plans, but it actually reduced the options for such plans.)

Next Up: Implementing Health Reform - What Will Happen

Thanksgiving Conversations About Health - Engage With Grace Blog Rally

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 24th, 2009

For many years I’ve used the Thanksgiving dinner table conversation as a model for discussions about healthcare - but usually I’ve put it in the context of people who work for healthcare companies, (e.g. pharmaceutical or managed care), trying to address, rebuff and rebut the criticisms they might get from family members, (e.g. Aunt Lilly), about the problems with the US healthcare system and the actions or positions of various companies or industries.  However, last year - and again this year - several bloggers have been cooperating to promote Thanksgiving weekend discussions about end of life care issues.  This effort has been called the Engage with Grace, and last year it was a great success, with over 100 bloggers participating.

The original mission of this “blog rally” was to get more and more people talking about their end of life wishes. But because this year has had quite intensive public debate about health reform, the decision was made for this year to do something a bit different and add a bit of levity to the efforts to promote discussions.

At the heart of Engage With Grace are five questions designed to get the conversation started, but to put a slightly lighter spin on these questions, the first set below has a less serious tone - the “real” Engage With Grace questions are at the end of this post - and I’ve interjected five other humorous ones in between. They’re not easy questions, but they are important - and the goal of both the serious and lighter questions are to get people talking, since if you can’t talk about the funny questions, then how can families and friends expect to seriously talk about the difficult and important ones?

Engage With Grace Questions - Set 1

  1. Which one of your family members would you trade for a celebrity or professional athlete, and who would you trade them for?
  2. After you made that trade, would you want the celebrity or professional athlete to cook or do the dishes at your holiday meal?
  3. Would you want that celebrity or professional athlete to be on your post holiday meal team for Charades or Monopoly?
  4. Would you want that celebrity or professional athlete to be named on your advanced directive or living will so they could make decisions about your healthcare needs and choices if you were unable to do so?
  5. Would you want that celebrity or professional athlete to represent you in the US Congress to make decisions about Medicare and health reform?

Engage With Grace Questions - Set 2

Have a good holiday season - and go with grace.

Cost and Coverage c. 1989-91: Part 2 of Historical Perspectives on Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 17th, 2009

As I mentioned in my last post, in going through old files I found many memos and articles about health reform.  Some of them from 1989-91 illustrate the long history of the challenge of controlling costs and providing care for more people - and eerie similarities to the current debate:

For example, below are some pieces of text from articles and commentaries published in the New England Journal of Medicine from January 1989 - October 1990:

  • A Consumer-Choice Health Plan for the 1990.  America’s health care economy is a paradox of excess and deprivation.  We spend more than 11 percent of the gross national product on health care, yet roughly 35 million Americans have no financial protection from medical expenses. To an increasing degree, the present financing system is inflationary, unfair, and wasteful. In its place we need a strategy that addresses the whole system, offers financial protection from health care expenses to all, and promotes the development of economically financing and delivery arrangements. Such a strategy must be designed to be broadly acceptable in our society. To remedy this deprivation, we propose that everyone not covered by Medicare, Medicaid, or some other public program be enabled to buy affordable coverage, either through their employers of through a ‘public sponsor.’ … The U.S. health care economy is inflationary. It is still dominated by fee-for-service payment of doctors and hospitals by third party intermediaries with open-ended sources of finances. There is no total budget set in advance within which providers must manage the care of their patients. For the most part, there is no incentives to find and use medical practices that produce the same health outcome at less cost.” (1/5/89 -  Enthoven and Kronick)
  • A National Health Program for the United States: A Physicians’ Proposal. Our health care system is failing.  Tens of millions of people are uninsured, costs are skyrocketing, and the bureaucracy is expanding. We propose a national health program that would (1) fully cover everyone under a single, comprehensive public insurance program; (2) pay hospitals and nursing homes a total (global) annual amount to cover all operating expenses; (3) fund capital costs through separate appropriations; (4) pay for physicians’ services and ambulatory services in any of three ways: through fee-for-service payments with a simplified fee schedule and mandatory acceptance of the national health program payment as the total payment for a service or procedure (assignment), through global budgets for hospitals and clinics employing salaried physicians, or on a per capita basis (capitation).” (1/12/89 - Himmelstein and Woolhandler)
  • Sounding Board: It Is Time for Universal Access, Not Universal Insurance. … Universal health insurance is not a good idea.  To control goods and services through a single agency - especially when the driving force is economic - would fly in the face of the American way of doing things. … Rather than support such unworkable, soulless programs, I propose universal access through a pluralistic funding mechanism. … So, we ought not to be talking about a universal health insurance scheme, but rather about universal access - access to needed care, on a timely basis, with controls on quality and use that have been accepted by everyone involved.  The key principle of effective access and limited cost is the rationalization of care.  In this age of high-technology medicine and miracle drugs, we must realize that we can no longer do everything for everybody just because it is possible. Rather, we should develop a system in which decisions about what we do, when, where, and to whom are based on reasonable expectations of the benefits involved and on sound medical principles communicated clearly to patients and their families.” (7/6/89 - James Todd, MD - American Medical Association)
  • Special Report: The Pepper Commission Report on Comprehensive Health Care. A look at the outcome of the commission’s deliberations give a good indication of what, in fact, it takes to build political consensus. The commission basically face two separate tasks - reform of the nation’s existing system for insurance medical or health care, and creation of a system for insuring assistance in the task of daily living we call long-term care. The commission voted overwhelmingly (11 to 4) in favor of a major government initiative in long-term care. … By contrast, the commission’s vote on health care reforms - universal coverage for people under the age of 65 (at a cost of $24 billion) and measures to promote the efficient delivery of health care - passed by the slim margin of eight to seven. … The difference between the commission’s votes on long-term care and health care, then reflects the many and pointed political pressures that will work against consensus on health care reform, not for it. … First, and most obvious, the vast majority of commission members face reelection campaigns this fall… … Second, and related, in the wake of the traumatic repeal of Medicare catastrophic coverage, members will remain acutely sensitive to potential voter reaction to any particular reform package. Third, in health care there are entrenched political interests. … Fourth, with a complex issue such as this, consensus on the whole requires many, many concessions on individual provisions. … Finally, outright partisan politics will undermine consensus on health care reform, as the commission found in the days preceding the vote, when the White House placed intense pressure on some members to resist any consensus before the November elections. … If we do not act promptly, I believe our health care system may well implode by the end of the century.   The need for action is starkly clear.” (10/4/90 - Senator John D. Rockefeller IV, Chairman of the Pepper Commission)

And other articles from 1991 show similar perspectives on health reform and the urgency for action:

Washington Post, February 17, 1991 “Devising a Cure for High Costs of Health Care: Support Grows for Concept of National Medical Insurance. … The idea [of government-imposed universal health care that would provide quality coverage for everyone], in various forms, is gaining the support of groups ranging on the political spectrum from the AFL-CIO and the American Association of Retired Persons to the National Association of Manufacturers and the American Medical Association.  For the first time since the mid-1970s, supporters of national health insurance believe they have a legitimate chance of winning congressional approval for a universal health care bill, if not this Congress, then the next. ‘This is the best shot we’ve had in 15 years,’ said a key congressional aide. With health care costs climbing more than 20 percent a year for major corporations and even more for many small businesses, disparate political groups are beginning to form a coalition for reform.

USA Today, March 11, 1991 - “Health care costs more, serves fewer.  No other part of the US economy seems less understood than health care.  Few realize why health care costs are so stubbornly high ($2,700 per American per year) or why health care seems to defy free-market economics. … What a growing number of people are coming to know is dissatisfaction with a health care system that absorbs ever-soaring sums of money while letting more and more people fall through the cracks. …  Of all the cold showers of reality falling on the USA as the ’90s dawn, none is as chilling as this: The healthcare system in this country is in deep, deep trouble.”  (Graphic shows that of the 37 million people in the USA without health insurance 49% are working adults.)

Bottom Line - The more things don’t change the more they sound the same.

Next Up: Part 3 - Perspectives from a 1992 Medical School Class “The Crisis in the American Health Care System”

Historical Perspective on Health Reform - Part 1, Medical Effectiveness

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 16th, 2009

Since the time-line for health reform legislation has continued to be stretched, I recently spent some time cleaning out old files.  In my excavations I came across papers, articles, memos and briefing books which demonstrate that no matter how much things change, some aspects of health reform have stayed the same.  For example, below are a couple of snippets from memos about a proposed Medical Effectiveness Initiative from circa 1989:

Establishing a Medical Effectiveness Initiative at the OASH [Office of the Assistant Secretary of Health] level. (FY90 request = $52 million) This initiative would assess which medical treatments are cost-effective, and identify inappropriate and unnecessary medical practices. This knowledge would be used by reimbursing agencies in containing health care costs. [FYI – for budgetary comparisons, FY89 budget authority for the NIH was $7.15 billion, and $536 million for the FDA, and $141 billion for HCFA - now CMS.]

The Secretary’s Effectiveness Initiative for promoting the public health has as its goals:

  • improving the quality of health care received by Americans through the provision of effective, appropriate care, and involving the consensus of the medical community;
  • control of health care costs through elimination of ineffective and unnecessary medical treatments and comparison of the cost-effectiveness of alternative treatment modalities, thus insuring access to care;
  • enhancing the scientific basis of medicine through application of current technology (e.g. meta analysis; mainframe and software design) to the issues of medical treatment effectiveness; and
  • enhancing the competitive basis of the health care industry through provision of information to patients and providers on risks and benefits, including cost-effectiveness of medical treatments.

While the budgetary size of the proposal is very small compared to current initiatives, (e.g. the $1.1 billion for Comparative Effectiveness Research enacted earlier this year in the stimulus legislation), the wording and rationale for the proposals sound very similar - except that this initiative would explicitly use the information to alter government reimbursement  practices, which was precluded under the ARRA bill.

One difference that dates this language is the phrase “mainframe and software design.”  There have been significant advances in computer technology - which we now term IT - and these advances enable much better and rapid monitoring of quality, as well as and spending and utilization.  Such near real time quality and cost monitoring is important for implementing programs that provide cost and quality information to clinicians, patients, payers and others.  The ability to deliver analyses based on information which is days, weeks or maybe a month or two old, and reflects individual actions, is much more effective for changing behaviors and practice patterns than is data which is years old, and may be aggregated information for a population or across a region.  In addition, IT advances have made risk adjustment a much more robust process - if not exactly precise.  This is critical for the success of quality improvement and cost control programs because the first response from every clinician presented with information that the care they provide is costlier, or somehow lower in quality, than their peers’ practice patterns is that their patients are more severely ill than average and that explains why their costs are higher and outcomes poorer.

Next Up: Part 2 - Historical Perspectives on Universal Coverage and Cost Containment

Making More Sense of Health Reform’s Politics

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 5th, 2009

As expected, it appears that Tuesday’s elections are clarifying the political thinking for some Member of Congress.  Specifically, the losses of Democratic gubernatorial candidates in VA and NJ are blamed on independent voters shifting from the Democratic column - where they predominantly voted last year - to the Republican column this year.  While some appear surprised by this movement, it seems very natural - after all, that’s why they’re called “independents.”

The implications of this shift for health reform legislation are that Democratic Members of Congress from more moderate districts - where they depend on more independent voters to get reelected - are probably feeling increasingly nervous about the contentious issues in health reform.  Conversely, Democratic Members from more liberal districts - where they depend upon their base of Democrats to turn out for the election - are feeling more convinced about the necessity of passing health reform legislation which will appeal to their Democratic base.

With the Democratic leadership in the House apparently looking to pass a bill this Saturday, it will be interesting to see how the increasing political pressures in different parts of the Democratic caucus are reconciled to find 218 votes for passage.  Having a Saturday vote is also a somewhat high-risk strategy because its passage or failure will provide immediate fodder for the Sunday morning news/political talk shows and newspapers. In addition, since Senate majority leader Reid recently indicated that the Senate may not vote on health reform legislation until next year, a quick vote by the House also raises the question of whether their passing a bill will put pressure on the Senate to act - sooner or later - or if it will put politically vulnerable Democratic Representatives out on a limb that they may not be able to carve into a paddle for next year’s elections? As the lyrics say:

  • Time keeps on slippin’, slippin’, slippin’
    Into the future
  • Don’t stop, thinking about tomorrow,
    Don’t stop, it’ll soon be here

Making Sense of Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 2nd, 2009

After spending a week in Washington DC talking to lots of people, and reading all sorts of information, I’m still not sure how to simply explain the the current state of health reform legislation - except to say that it is unfolding pretty much as expected:

  • It is taking a lot longer than planned, i.e. the August deadline never seemed realistic
  • There are pockets of agreement, but no solid majorities for a single bill
  • The Senate and House are operating in parallel, with the Senate being more conservative and focused on issues important to rural communities
  • Costs and spending are defining the framework within which all the ideas and packages are bouncing - like a 1970s video game
  • And political motivations and calculations are the firmament for many - if not most - positions and actions

Politics with Elections on 12 Month Horizon
On the last point, there has recently been ample evidence.  For example, the National Journal’s Insiders Poll recently asked, “On health care reform, what outcome would most benefit your party in the 2010 midterms?”  The results show that both Democrats and Republicans think that the best thing for their party would be “Enacting Legislation similar to the House committee bills.”  (44% of Democrats chose this option compared to 35% of Republicans, 37% of whom chose “Enact nothing”)

While there isn’t bipartisan agreement about the substance for health reform, both sides think that health reform like the House committee’s bill would be best for them politically.  As a Democratic respondent stated, “A strong health care package will be popular, especially when people see that none of the predictions from the town hall crazies came true.” And from the Republican side, “With more and more Americans distrustful of government, passing the House bill would be a gift to the GOP.”  The problem with the Democrat’s substantive - and probably correct - insight, is that most of the bills’ provisions won’t start until 2013 because it will take that long to create the rules and infrastructure for implementing substantive reforms.  To that point, another Republican noted, “Passing the most liberal version helps Republicans: The theme for  2010 and ‘12 will be, elect more Rs so we can fix this before it goes into effect.”

Other articles in the October 17th issue of National Journal also point to the highly political stakes and schisms behind health reform legislation for the Democrats:

  • “Ultimately, the verdict on the efficacy of Obama’s style will depend in significant part on whether health care legislation passes, said Larry Sabato, a professor of politics at the University of Virginia. ‘Health care could be his hammer - if he gets it, he will have proven that his style works, that you don’t have to be an in-your-face LBJ type to get significant health reform.  But if it falls apart or he gets a tiny piece of it, then there will be criticism that he is ineffective and not tough enough.’” (From “Is Obama Tough Enough?”)
  • “Although health care is becoming ground zero in the economic and values conflicts that loom within the Democratic majority, a host of other issues also have the potential to undermine party solidarity.” (From “Democratic Fault Lines Open Up.”)

To negate the Republicans’ ability to leverage people’s fear of change as they pick apart proposed rules and regulations - while also proposing legislative changes and repeals - some Democrats have called for more of the benefits to start earlier, i.e. before 2013. However, starting some benefits earlier would increase the 10 year costs of the new law, and - in contrast to expanding existing programs like Medicaid - many provisions would require new programs and rules.  Both of these factors make earlier implementation both practically and politically very challenging.

Despite these realities, and the political intricacies of the US Senate, Majority Leader Reid has taken control of melding the Finance and HELP Committees’ bills and is apparently steering it in a direction to address his reelection concerns in Nevada - at least according to the Washington Post’s Dana Milbank.

Another political complication for moving health reform legislation forward this week - as Speaker Pelosi has indicated - is Tuesday’s elections across the country. Normally moving things forward in a speedy fashion would be good, but asking Members to vote on something so potentially politically contentious right after local elections in their home areas may make them hyper-sensitive about their reelection concerns.

Coverage Beats Cost Containment Like Rock Covers Paper
Within the twin goals of having health reform legislation cost less than $1,000.000.000,000.00 over ten years and not adding to the Federal deficit, legislation has evolved to focus on expanding coverage while drifting away from significant changes to healthcare delivery that would control long-term spending.  This has occurred for two reasons: Spending money on coverage expansion is relatively easy, while changing the operations of the delivery system is much harder, and actually requires more than just financial incentives.

The extent of this shift is described in the recent analysis of HR 3200, (as passed by the Ways and Means Committee), conducted by the Actuaries Office at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Although the Congressional Budget Office is the arbiter of the official cost estimates for legislation, they focus on federal costs, while the CMS Actuary analyzed the effects of the legislation for total healthcare spending, as well as expansion of insurance coverage.  Looking at the numbers in their report for the years 2013 and 2019 are very informative:

First, the actuaries estimate that the four provisions intended to reduce healthcare spending would have minimal impact, with only comparative effectiveness research reducing spending by a few hundred million of dollars out of total spending estimated to be over $4.6 Trillion in 2019:

Cost Reducing Provisions in Health Reform

Second, the actuaries estimate that the legislation would increase insurance coverage through Medicaid/CHIP and via the Exchange, while having no effect on Medicare and little effect on employer provided health insurance.  Overall, the legislation is estimated to reduce the number of uninsured by 33.9 million in 2019, leaving 23.0 million uninsured - including unauthorized immigrants, which others have estimated to currently total ~6-7 million:

Insurance Coverage Expansion from Health Reform Legislation

Third, the actuaries estimate that the legislation would reduce spending on Medicare, and private out-of-pocket and direct insurance purchases, while increasing spending for Medicaid/CHIP coverage, and for insurance acquired through the Exchange - both private insurance and the proposed public plan option:

Changes in National Health Spending from Health Reform

Bottom Line - Start Making Sense
It is looking more likely that a bill will be enacted before the end of the year - but that outcome is far from certain.  If passage of legislation doesn’t occur by the end of December, there are three other possible outcomes:

  1. The bill - and various amendments - could be brought to the floor to allow Members to go on record about health reform overall and various specific issues.  (This presumes that a bill isn’t brought to the floor with the expectation of passage, but fails.)
  2. Negotiations are carried over into 2010 because the Democratic leadership doesn’t have the votes to pass a bill in December.
  3. With the outlook for getting enough votes for passage looking bleaker as the 2010 elections loom closer, the Democratic leadership could decide to shelve major health reform legislation, cobble together a bill of Medicare and related changes that are needed, and pass that bill at the end of December.

The first and third outcomes would bring closure (if not cloture) to the process and create space for other issues requiring Presidential and Congressional attention.  The second route would prolong the debate and maintain the possibility of passage - but with decreasing likelihood.

In addition, as a major health reform legislation is being debated in Congress, it is very unlikely that the Administration will nominate an Administrator or Deputy Administrator for CMS. This makes sense because presenting a nominee would divert attention in the Senate, and whoever is nominated would face an armada sized barrage of questions about ever large and minute issue in the pending legislative proposals. However, it also leaves CMS without its full compliment of political leaders, which could be a problem in 2010 whether they are tasked with implementing large parts of a new health reform law, or more focused changes to Medicare and Medicaid.

So will healthcare reform start making sense to the average voter, or will the whole issue blow up for Democrats in the 2010 election - either through failure to pass anything or by overreaching and fueling the wild-eyed fires in the red and purple pockets on political strategists maps?  The answers to these and other questions about the policies and politics of health reform will come sooner or later - and certainly by November 2010.

p.s. What the Talking Heads Said in “Stop Making Sense”
There are some interesting insights and parallels about the current health reform situation from the Talking Heads’ 1984 film “Stop Making Sense.”  In particular, there seems to be some prescient message in the titles of a few of their songs included in the movie (with my annotations):

  • Psycho Killer - (Rabidly opposing health reform based on disparaging mischaracterizations?)
  • Slippery People - (No comment necessary)
  • Burning Down the House - (The goal of the Republicans? Or what the Democrats could achieve by overreaching or mishandling health reform?)
  • Making Flippy Floppy - (What is a public option and why?)
  • Swamp - (Will health reform get mired in a swamp?)
  • Once in a Lifetime - (What many health reform advocates think this is?)
  • Crosseyed and Painless - (How many people working on health reform feel right now?)