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Archive for the ‘Federal Healthcare Reform’ Category

Health Reform’s Rock & Roll

By Michael D. Miller MD
January 21st, 2010

With the Democrats losing their 60th vote in the Senate in Tuesday’s special election, the political and health policy worlds are astir with angst about the fate of health reform legislation.  Everyone in those arenas has at least one perspective about what would be the best course of action… including MoveOn, which stated in an email today, “Tuesday’s election was a shock. But the aftermath was even worse:  President Obama and some Democrats in Congress are now considering scaling back health care reform. That would be a huge mistake.”

However, given that MoveOn was one of the leading organizations declaring that the public option was the most important part of health reform, I’m not too inclined to put much stock in their understanding of the fundamental policy or political forces in the US right now.

Despite MoveOn’s proclamations, it seems clear that health legislation in 2010 will be smaller than either the House or Senate bills.  Whether that occurs in a bipartisan way (unlikely), via reconciliation (more likely, but limiting the scope of the bill), or through some other mechanism, remains to be determined by the political officials looking toward the 2010 elections - with perhaps some input from policy people. In addition, it is likely that HHS (and possibly some states) will get much more active with demonstrations and pilot programs, and the Federal government may look to the investments in Health IT and Comparative Effectiveness Research made in last year’s stimulus law as more fundamental cornerstones to build from.

Regardless of what comes next, some rock and roll lyrics seem very prescient for what has happened with the health reform legislation:

Sometimes the lights all shinin on me;
Other times I can barely see.
Lately it occurs to me what a long, strange trip it’s been.

 

But still they lead me back
To the long winding road.

 

You can’t always get what you want
But if you try sometimes you might find
You get what you need.

These images may also be illuminating for the path ahead, and are consistent with some of my predictions:  A year ago I wrote about the long and convoluted path health reform legislation would likely travel. And in a post last June I stated that many factors could change the course of the legislative process.

“Being prepared is important for the success of health reform as the debate intensifies this month, because there are many, many things that could influence the outcomes.  Some of these factors are intrinsic to healthcare and the legislation - such as how to pay for health reform - while others are extrinsic to healthcare and the specific legislation.  (I’ve made a list of the extrinsic derailing possibilities, but it is too long to include here.)

“What contingency planning means for health reform is that not only does there need to be a multi-year implementation plan for the specific provisions of any new health reform law, but there also needs to be preparation for the unexpected - but inevitable - hurdles that will get thrown into the path of the development and passage of any legislation.”

So, as always, keep your seat belt fastened and the tray tables in their upright and locked position.


Healthcare as Part of the Social Safety Net - Policy Implications for Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
January 6th, 2010

Researchers at the Urban Institute have recently released a book about the forces and values that shape the social safety net in the United States. (Repairing the U.S. Social Safety Net.)

Yesterday, they held a briefing to discuss their book and solicit comments from other experts. Demetra Smith Nightingale, one of the authors, described how different parts of the social safety net interact, and how societal values and assumptions shape the creation and evolution of individual safety net programs. One of their fundamental conclusions is that society’s trust in government is reflected in how safety net programs are structured.  When there is more trust in government the programs can be national in scope and administered by the Federal Government, such as with Medicare or Social Security.  But when there is less trust in government, then programs are created which may be funded or supported with government dollars, but the programs are administered by state or local governments or even by private entities.

It is clear that today’s society is in a trust the government less mode, and this is reflected in the movement of the health reform legislation towards state and private entity implementation. Why this is important is that the Urban Institute researchers also looked at how well various types of social safety net programs work, and they noted that those with more local implementation also have much greater variability of effectiveness and penetration.

Two other conclusions from the discussion may be important for the implementation of a new health reform law.  First, food stamps are really the most fundamental part of  the social safety net in the US since they are the most easily obtained and food is the most basic of human needs.  And second, the social safety “net” is probably more like a series of lines that may or may not productively insect.  This situation might be like two fishing boats:  One using a net can very efficiently and productively catch lots of fish, while another using a number of individual lines may be able to use a variety of baits, but will surely miss catching many fish.

Below are two of the charts from the book which were distributed at the briefing.  These are very informative because they summarize how the different parts of the social safety net interact and the policy framework which connects societal values, goals, program structure and implementation.

Urban Institute - Deciphering the Conflicting Values Shaping the U.S. Social Safety Net Figure 1

Urban Institute - Deciphering the Conflicting Values Shaping the U.S. Social Safety Net Figure 1.2

Playing Poker with Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
December 16th, 2009

The National Journal’s December 5th issue has a very interesting article comparing President Obama’s approach to key issues to his poker playing style.  (The issue cover states, “Obama as Poker Player.”)

Having played poker for over 45 years, I find the article’s discussion of his cautious approach and preference for standard games very enlightening. For many people today, poker is about Texas Hold’em, a game that is great for TV but rather simplistic in some ways because each player only has 2 cards and shares 5 others.  The National Journal discusses the intellectual, strategic, and personality difference between this game, and more sophisticated games such as five-card draw and seven card stud - as well as more “wild” games such as baseball, although it doesn’t mention my crazed favorite, midnight baseball.

What the National Journal doesn’t discuss is the difference between playing poker on-line versus in-person, and the difference between playing with a bunch of strangers and playing with people you know and might interact with professionally.  These differences are very significant, since playing on-line is all about the odds, and “reading” people can only be done via their betting behaviors.  However, playing in-person enables a player to physically read the opponents, (i.e. see their “tells”), and playing good poker is primarily about playing the other people, and secondarily about playing the cards in your hand and on the table.  And reading the other people becomes even more important - as well as possible - when playing with people you know and have interacted with in other settings, such as negotiating legislation.

So for the President, applying lessons and strategies from poker to health reform, Iran, and other key issues may work well, but I also hope that he remembers that great players don’t win every tournament, and the key to long-term success is knowing when to fold, when and how to bet, and perhaps most importantly how to see around the table to what is likely coming up in future deals so one can be in the game and optimally positioned for future hands.

Healthcare Reform’s House of Cards
For the current health reform efforts, it seems that the cards are being reshuffled and new hands dealt at a time when the legislative house of cards should be getting its final touches and glued together.  Instead, the house of cards seems to keep collapsing - although Senator Reid, (and the President), are doing their best quick-handed action to keep rebuilding it for another try before minor or major political quakes send the cards scattering again. From a fundamental process level, the pulling in and pushing out of new ideas - such as a allowing some younger people to join or buy-into Medicare - is what might have been expected in April, May or June, but not December, and this is not a good sign for enactment of a law anytime soon.

The Substance of Health (Insurance) Reform Without a Public Optio
At this point, it seems that a public option is out of the equation, and some House Members are signaling that they could pass such a bill, but some on the left are arguing that no bill is better than a new law without a public option.  Despite these loud protests, not having a public option isn’t the end of the world, (sorry HD), and I’ll soon write why insurance reforms and coverage expansion are much more important, (sorry MoveOn.org), based upon my past experience with health reform legislation, my time in Massachusetts, and my very recent and ongoing ground-level experience in getting new health insurance in the District of Columbia as I prepare to move there from Cambridge, MA. (Preview - Community rating and guarantee issue by non-profit insurers v. medical underwriting by for-profit minded insurers.)

Historical Perspectives on Health Policy: Part 3

By Michael D. Miller MD
December 4th, 2009

I just found my copy of the book “Improving Health Policy and Management” edited by Stephen Shortell and Uwe Reinhardt.  The book’s eleven chapters address many of the hot-button issues in today’s health reform debate:

  1. Creating and Executing Health Policy
  2. Minimum Health Insurance Benefits
  3. Caring for the Disabled Elderly
  4. An Overview of Rural Health Care
  5. Effectiveness Research and the Impact of Financial Incentives and Outcomes
  6. Changing Provider Behavior: Applying Research on Outcomes and Effectiveness in Health Care
  7. Health Care Cost Containment
  8. Redesign of Delivery Systems to Enhance Productivity
  9. Medical Malpractice
  10. Prolongation of Life: The Issues and the Questions
  11. Challenges for Health Services Research

The observant ready will notice one critical issue from today’s debate missing from this list… Information technology.  That is because this book was published in 1992… and actually the titles of the first and last chapters also included “in the 1990s.”

What this points out is that the fundamental issues of controlling costs, defining benefits, and improving efficiency in care delivery and through financial incentives are not new to the health care debate.  Reinforcing this historical reality, I recently ran into Professor Stuart Altman from Brandeis - who is one of the most insightful and clear thinking non-ideological health policy expert I’ve ever had the pleasure of talking to and hearing testify before Congress. And he told me on a rainy NYC sidewalk that he has been talking to people across the country about how the current debate is both similar to and different than the early 1990s, the 1980s, the 1970s….. and back to even the 1930s…and despite the ongoing delays he is hopeful that legislation will be enacted this time.

So while the issues haven’t changed, and likely won’t change no matter what legislation is enacted in the coming months, (and years), the hope is that this time around progress will be made so that health care becomes less of a national obsession, (and drag on the economy), and people and politicians can focus on life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, rather than illness, accessing needed treatments, and financial uncertainty.

End of the Beginning for Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 29th, 2009

This week’s Economist has an article titled “The beginning of the end” about the coming Senate debate.  But I think they have it exactly wrong.  The passage of legislation through the Senate - and then ultimately through a Conference Committee and by both houses so it can be signed by the President - would be the end of the beginning for health reform.

In contrast to the many, many hours of work by Members of Congress, many more by their staff, and probably even more by interest groups and activists across the country, the implementation of a new set of laws will be the real beginning.  Implementing a new law reforming the insurance industry - and myriad other parts of the healthcare delivery and financing systems - will require drafting of many rules and regulation, reviewing and commenting on the drafts, digesting those comments, issuing final rules and regulations,  drafting RFPs for contracts to run various new entities, (such as insurance exchanges), awarding those contracts, and possibly hiring employees for new functions such as a Medicare Advisory Board. Whew.

It now seems that the likelihood of a new health reform law being enacted during this Congress (probably sometime in February or March) has tipped into the greater than 50% category - but just barely. (National Journal has 2 great articles about the current precarious situation - one about the process and politics in the Senate, and the other about eight key stakeholder groups and their issues and concerns.) However,  even if the political and substantive issues can be tweaked into good-enough alignment that would enable enactment today, many different events and scenarios that are too complex and numerous to list here could still derail the process.

If the legislation fails to pass at this 715th minute, then there will still be followed by a vast outpouring of activity.  But instead of being focused on a specific law, it will be about how to address access and cost at the state level, in the private sector, and via more pilots, demonstrations and other variations within the existing authority of Medicare and other government programs. However, without a new law these activities will be much less focus and contained - and much of the effort will be discussion and analysis about what should be done and where limited resources should go, rather than focused on implementing new initiatives.

These two options remind me of a question someone asked me at Thanksgiving dinner, “Don’t they [Congress] have to do something since we can’t continue the way things are?” The presumption that if no legislation passes, then nothing will change is a false assumption.  With no major health reform laws for the last 20-30 years, the healthcare system has changed dramatically - both through private sector and government actions.  Clearly those actions have been imperfect and temporizing rather than addressing fundamental problems, but they have resulted in change.

Which scenario will be “better” depends upon who you are and how the current situation is benefiting or hurting you and your family.  Certainly, for the majority of Americans, having a new law would be better because it would improve their security for having insurance that they can depend on and know is stable - a theme that has persisted since the early 1990s and was reemphasized this summer by David Kendall and his colleagues at Third Way.

Making More Sense of Health Reform’s Politics

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 5th, 2009

As expected, it appears that Tuesday’s elections are clarifying the political thinking for some Member of Congress.  Specifically, the losses of Democratic gubernatorial candidates in VA and NJ are blamed on independent voters shifting from the Democratic column - where they predominantly voted last year - to the Republican column this year.  While some appear surprised by this movement, it seems very natural - after all, that’s why they’re called “independents.”

The implications of this shift for health reform legislation are that Democratic Members of Congress from more moderate districts - where they depend on more independent voters to get reelected - are probably feeling increasingly nervous about the contentious issues in health reform.  Conversely, Democratic Members from more liberal districts - where they depend upon their base of Democrats to turn out for the election - are feeling more convinced about the necessity of passing health reform legislation which will appeal to their Democratic base.

With the Democratic leadership in the House apparently looking to pass a bill this Saturday, it will be interesting to see how the increasing political pressures in different parts of the Democratic caucus are reconciled to find 218 votes for passage.  Having a Saturday vote is also a somewhat high-risk strategy because its passage or failure will provide immediate fodder for the Sunday morning news/political talk shows and newspapers. In addition, since Senate majority leader Reid recently indicated that the Senate may not vote on health reform legislation until next year, a quick vote by the House also raises the question of whether their passing a bill will put pressure on the Senate to act - sooner or later - or if it will put politically vulnerable Democratic Representatives out on a limb that they may not be able to carve into a paddle for next year’s elections? As the lyrics say:

  • Time keeps on slippin’, slippin’, slippin’
    Into the future
  • Don’t stop, thinking about tomorrow,
    Don’t stop, it’ll soon be here

Making Sense of Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
November 2nd, 2009

After spending a week in Washington DC talking to lots of people, and reading all sorts of information, I’m still not sure how to simply explain the the current state of health reform legislation - except to say that it is unfolding pretty much as expected:

  • It is taking a lot longer than planned, i.e. the August deadline never seemed realistic
  • There are pockets of agreement, but no solid majorities for a single bill
  • The Senate and House are operating in parallel, with the Senate being more conservative and focused on issues important to rural communities
  • Costs and spending are defining the framework within which all the ideas and packages are bouncing - like a 1970s video game
  • And political motivations and calculations are the firmament for many - if not most - positions and actions

Politics with Elections on 12 Month Horizon
On the last point, there has recently been ample evidence.  For example, the National Journal’s Insiders Poll recently asked, “On health care reform, what outcome would most benefit your party in the 2010 midterms?”  The results show that both Democrats and Republicans think that the best thing for their party would be “Enacting Legislation similar to the House committee bills.”  (44% of Democrats chose this option compared to 35% of Republicans, 37% of whom chose “Enact nothing”)

While there isn’t bipartisan agreement about the substance for health reform, both sides think that health reform like the House committee’s bill would be best for them politically.  As a Democratic respondent stated, “A strong health care package will be popular, especially when people see that none of the predictions from the town hall crazies came true.” And from the Republican side, “With more and more Americans distrustful of government, passing the House bill would be a gift to the GOP.”  The problem with the Democrat’s substantive - and probably correct - insight, is that most of the bills’ provisions won’t start until 2013 because it will take that long to create the rules and infrastructure for implementing substantive reforms.  To that point, another Republican noted, “Passing the most liberal version helps Republicans: The theme for  2010 and ‘12 will be, elect more Rs so we can fix this before it goes into effect.”

Other articles in the October 17th issue of National Journal also point to the highly political stakes and schisms behind health reform legislation for the Democrats:

  • “Ultimately, the verdict on the efficacy of Obama’s style will depend in significant part on whether health care legislation passes, said Larry Sabato, a professor of politics at the University of Virginia. ‘Health care could be his hammer - if he gets it, he will have proven that his style works, that you don’t have to be an in-your-face LBJ type to get significant health reform.  But if it falls apart or he gets a tiny piece of it, then there will be criticism that he is ineffective and not tough enough.’” (From “Is Obama Tough Enough?”)
  • “Although health care is becoming ground zero in the economic and values conflicts that loom within the Democratic majority, a host of other issues also have the potential to undermine party solidarity.” (From “Democratic Fault Lines Open Up.”)

To negate the Republicans’ ability to leverage people’s fear of change as they pick apart proposed rules and regulations - while also proposing legislative changes and repeals - some Democrats have called for more of the benefits to start earlier, i.e. before 2013. However, starting some benefits earlier would increase the 10 year costs of the new law, and - in contrast to expanding existing programs like Medicaid - many provisions would require new programs and rules.  Both of these factors make earlier implementation both practically and politically very challenging.

Despite these realities, and the political intricacies of the US Senate, Majority Leader Reid has taken control of melding the Finance and HELP Committees’ bills and is apparently steering it in a direction to address his reelection concerns in Nevada - at least according to the Washington Post’s Dana Milbank.

Another political complication for moving health reform legislation forward this week - as Speaker Pelosi has indicated - is Tuesday’s elections across the country. Normally moving things forward in a speedy fashion would be good, but asking Members to vote on something so potentially politically contentious right after local elections in their home areas may make them hyper-sensitive about their reelection concerns.

Coverage Beats Cost Containment Like Rock Covers Paper
Within the twin goals of having health reform legislation cost less than $1,000.000.000,000.00 over ten years and not adding to the Federal deficit, legislation has evolved to focus on expanding coverage while drifting away from significant changes to healthcare delivery that would control long-term spending.  This has occurred for two reasons: Spending money on coverage expansion is relatively easy, while changing the operations of the delivery system is much harder, and actually requires more than just financial incentives.

The extent of this shift is described in the recent analysis of HR 3200, (as passed by the Ways and Means Committee), conducted by the Actuaries Office at the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Although the Congressional Budget Office is the arbiter of the official cost estimates for legislation, they focus on federal costs, while the CMS Actuary analyzed the effects of the legislation for total healthcare spending, as well as expansion of insurance coverage.  Looking at the numbers in their report for the years 2013 and 2019 are very informative:

First, the actuaries estimate that the four provisions intended to reduce healthcare spending would have minimal impact, with only comparative effectiveness research reducing spending by a few hundred million of dollars out of total spending estimated to be over $4.6 Trillion in 2019:

Cost Reducing Provisions in Health Reform

Second, the actuaries estimate that the legislation would increase insurance coverage through Medicaid/CHIP and via the Exchange, while having no effect on Medicare and little effect on employer provided health insurance.  Overall, the legislation is estimated to reduce the number of uninsured by 33.9 million in 2019, leaving 23.0 million uninsured - including unauthorized immigrants, which others have estimated to currently total ~6-7 million:

Insurance Coverage Expansion from Health Reform Legislation

Third, the actuaries estimate that the legislation would reduce spending on Medicare, and private out-of-pocket and direct insurance purchases, while increasing spending for Medicaid/CHIP coverage, and for insurance acquired through the Exchange - both private insurance and the proposed public plan option:

Changes in National Health Spending from Health Reform

Bottom Line - Start Making Sense
It is looking more likely that a bill will be enacted before the end of the year - but that outcome is far from certain.  If passage of legislation doesn’t occur by the end of December, there are three other possible outcomes:

  1. The bill - and various amendments - could be brought to the floor to allow Members to go on record about health reform overall and various specific issues.  (This presumes that a bill isn’t brought to the floor with the expectation of passage, but fails.)
  2. Negotiations are carried over into 2010 because the Democratic leadership doesn’t have the votes to pass a bill in December.
  3. With the outlook for getting enough votes for passage looking bleaker as the 2010 elections loom closer, the Democratic leadership could decide to shelve major health reform legislation, cobble together a bill of Medicare and related changes that are needed, and pass that bill at the end of December.

The first and third outcomes would bring closure (if not cloture) to the process and create space for other issues requiring Presidential and Congressional attention.  The second route would prolong the debate and maintain the possibility of passage - but with decreasing likelihood.

In addition, as a major health reform legislation is being debated in Congress, it is very unlikely that the Administration will nominate an Administrator or Deputy Administrator for CMS. This makes sense because presenting a nominee would divert attention in the Senate, and whoever is nominated would face an armada sized barrage of questions about ever large and minute issue in the pending legislative proposals. However, it also leaves CMS without its full compliment of political leaders, which could be a problem in 2010 whether they are tasked with implementing large parts of a new health reform law, or more focused changes to Medicare and Medicaid.

So will healthcare reform start making sense to the average voter, or will the whole issue blow up for Democrats in the 2010 election - either through failure to pass anything or by overreaching and fueling the wild-eyed fires in the red and purple pockets on political strategists maps?  The answers to these and other questions about the policies and politics of health reform will come sooner or later - and certainly by November 2010.

p.s. What the Talking Heads Said in “Stop Making Sense”
There are some interesting insights and parallels about the current health reform situation from the Talking Heads’ 1984 film “Stop Making Sense.”  In particular, there seems to be some prescient message in the titles of a few of their songs included in the movie (with my annotations):

  • Psycho Killer - (Rabidly opposing health reform based on disparaging mischaracterizations?)
  • Slippery People - (No comment necessary)
  • Burning Down the House - (The goal of the Republicans? Or what the Democrats could achieve by overreaching or mishandling health reform?)
  • Making Flippy Floppy - (What is a public option and why?)
  • Swamp - (Will health reform get mired in a swamp?)
  • Once in a Lifetime - (What many health reform advocates think this is?)
  • Crosseyed and Painless - (How many people working on health reform feel right now?)

Kennedy Legacies for Health Reform

By Michael D. Miller MD
September 8th, 2009

In preparation for Congress reconvening today - and to spin up activits’ energy ahead of the President’s health reform speech on Wednesday - there was a rally yesterday on the Boston Common.  (See pictures below.)

Health Reform Rally Boston - September 6, 2009

Health Reform Rally Boston - September 6, 2009

Because this event was in Massachusetts, the speakers - and many of the hand-held signs - referred to Senator Ted Kennedy’s decades of work on healthcare, and invoked his memory to energize the reform efforts.  From an historical perspective, in addition to Ted Kennedy’s legacy the words and deeds of his brothers JFK and RFK may also be important for creating social momentum for improving healthcare in the US. Two quotes are specifically applicable to the current debate:

Ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country.  (Inaugural Address by John F. Kennedy, January 20th 1961)

This concept of sacrifice for the greater good of society is being played out in interesting ways in the current debate.  On the corporate side, in contrast to the 1993-4 reform efforts, most of the major industries have engaged in the dialogue, and in many cases come to some agreement with the Administration about what changes they will accept in exchange for other changes. For example, insurers are willing to accept regulations restricting or eliminating coverage denials for pre-existing conditions and other practices to avoid or limit adverse selection in exchange for government actions to achieve near universal insurance coverage.

On the individual side, there seems to be much less willingness to sacrifice for the common good.  This may be due to individuals - particularly small employers, the self-employed, and those unable to find or afford insurance - feeling that they have already sacrificed in the form of excessively high insurance premiums.  On the other hand, resistance to sacrifice (or change) from individuals who may be concerned about loosing some aspects of their health benefits, may be seen in the President’s key message point that people will be able to keep the insurance they already have.

Some men see things as they are and ask “why?”  I dream things that never were and ask “why not?” (Robert F. Kennedy speeches, 1968 & also attributed to George Bernard Shaw)

This visionary statement about achieving things only dreamed about could cut two ways in the current debate.  On one side are the practical policy wonks who are looking at how to increase insurance coverage, control costs and improve quality - without adherence to specific philosophical or political flavors.  And on the other extremes are those advocating for changing the tax deductibility of health benefits, and those advocating for a Single Payer health system.  At yesterday’s rally, there were no counter-protesters or signs for changing the tax treatment of health benefits, but in talking with people at yesterday’s rally, Single Payer advocate where there, although only a few carried signs with that message.


Conclusions About Seeing the Future

  • See what the President says in his address on Wednesday night.
  • See what areas of agreement the Senate Finance Committee can achieve - including a substitute for a public plan option.
  • See what positions advocates take if the legislation starts moving forward without a strong public plan option.
  • See what happens as the October 15 trigger date enabling the Democrats to use reconciliation rules in the Senate gets closer.
  • See how the historical precedents of health reform successes and failures shape the debate about - and the actual substance of - Federal legislation in the next 4 months.

Real Health Reform in Massachusetts

By Michael D. Miller MD
July 29th, 2009

The Massachusetts Special Commission on Payment Reform recently issued its  recommendations for shifting the state’s health care system from Fee-For-Service (FFS) to Global Payments over a 5 year period.  The Special Commission’s report lays out a good case for making this change, describing why it needs to be adopted by all payers, (although each payer would still pay different rates, they would all use the same fundamental global payment structure), and some of the challenges for successfully navigating a 5 year transition period from the current mostly FFS system to one dominated by global payments.

The report summarizes its recommendations into 9 areas:

  1. The development of Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs). (Health delivery entities that can work as a team to manage the provision and coordination of care so that they are accepting responsibility for all - or most - of the care for their enrollees.)
  2. Patient choice. Patients will be able to choose their primary care physician, and will not be restricted to only clinicians in their ACO - but may have to pay more for services outside of their ACO.
  3. Patient-centered care and a strong focus on primary care. Each patient’s selection of a primary care provider will direct their insurer’s payments to their ACO, which will receive technical support to help develop/create medical homes.
  4. Widespread adoption of the medical home model. (The Special Commission concluded that “medical homes overlaid on the current FFS system cannot achieve its vision for a high-value health care system.”)
  5. Pay-for-performance (P4P) incentives to ensure appropriate access to care, and encourage quality improvement, evidence-based care, and coordination of care.
  6. Sharing of financial risk between ACOs and insurers. ACOs will be held responsible for performance risk—including cost performance and meeting access and quality standards. Insurance companies, (and self-insured companies), will retain the insurance risk for the insurance contracts written to groups and individuals.
  7. Strong and consistent risk adjustment. Global payments will be adjusted to reflect providers’ clinical and socioeconomic case mix, and, as appropriate, geography, so that ACOs will not be financially harmed by accepting high-risk patients with complex or chronic health care needs.
  8. Cost and quality transparency. ACOs will report performance against common metrics measuring health care quality and access to appropriate care.
  9. Participation by both private and public payers to ensure consistent alignment of care delivery incentives and to minimize administrative complexity and costs.

These changes would have tremendous implications for improving quality and controlling costs, and be much more significant than the coverage expansion the state started in 2006 - which could be viewed as the first part of health reform in Massachusetts, with the movement to global payments as the second part.  Specifically, the Special Commission’s recommendations could largely accomplish the somewhat wonkishly termed goal of “bending the curve” in health costs that is being bantered about in DC these days.  These changes would achieve that aim by shifting the financial incentives for clinicians and provider organizations from providing more care, to providing higher quality and more cost effective care - which should include more preventive services and interventions.

Incentives Need to Be Translated to Small Groups
However, those goals will only be achieved if the incentives created at the ACO level by global payments and P4P are translated to much smaller groups of clinicians and others within each ACO.  If clinicians are still compensated based upon a modified FFS system within the ACOs, then their incentives will still be mostly for volume over quality.  Similarly, if they are told that their compensation will be based upon the overall performance of the ACO, then they won’t feel that their actions will be significant enough to effect the ACO’s or their own financial success or failure.  (This is the reason why Medicare’s Sustainable Growth Rate formula hasn’t constrained the growth in Medicare’s spending for physician services, i.e. why would physicians feel that their individual actions matter when they are pooled in with hundreds of thousands of other physicians across the country?)  In contrast, if the incentives and data monitoring are done at the level of the individual clinician, (or small clinical entity), then each individual can understand how that their actions will influence their own success or failure.

Just as creating granular incentives depends upon monitoring the clinical decisions and activities at the same level, there is also a need to monitor the overall operations and quality performance of the ACOs to be able to adjust global payment amounts and methodologies.   This is why analyzing data to support individual and ACO decisions, and monitoring the success of movement toward global payments, are two of the major functions (see #3 & #5 below) for the entity the Special Commission recommends be empowered to oversee the transition to global payments across the state.

Special Commission’s Recommended Functions for Transition Oversight Entity:

  1. Establish the methodology for global payments
  2. Establish the parameters defining an ACO
  3. Analyze health system data to support providers, patients, and employers in making coverage and care choices
  4. Recommend the necessary infrastructure support for providers
  5. Establish transition milestones and monitor progress towards those goals
  6. Identify and implement mid-course adjustments as needed

Implications for National Actions and Health Reform Advocates
Up here in my area of neon-blue Massachusetts, the focus has been on how it is essential to have a “strong public plan option” because that will lead to a single payer system.  Many community activists have held onto this position despite Massachusetts making significant improvements in coverage without a public plan option, (or single payer), but if the state of Massachusetts can implement the Special Commission’s recommendations for an all-payer global payment system in ways that transform healthcare delivery, it will be the most significant health reform initiative in the United States since the creation of Medicare and Medicaid in 1965.

Yes, that’s my opinion, but I can defend it for several reasons.  First, implementing an all-payer global payment system really can’t be watered down too much.  Certainly, for example, the large teaching hospitals - which the report indicates are doing financially better than community hospitals - may continue to do better under a global payment system, but fundamentally global payments, (with associated incentives for quality), will transform FFS incentives for volume of care into incentives for efficiency and quality.

And second, shifting the healthcare delivery system’s fuel source from FFS to global payments should cause clinicians and health providing institutions and organizations to reorganize themselves into forms, (i.e. ACOs and their subsiadary building blocks), that can accept global payments and effectively manage care. (If they don’t then they will likely find that their global payments aren’t covering their costs, or their quality of care falls behind those who do effectively reorganize their care delivery structures and incentives.)

The Commission uses the term Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs) to describe these types of conglomerations, but each ACO will certainly have its own unique structure derived from the components that were woven together to form it.  (I like to call these Multiform Accountable Care Organizations or MACOs.)

Maco Shark 2~Maco Shark

While health reform is often talked about as if it would create the same structures and options across the country, this variety will be good a thing since it will reflect local cultures, as well as the unique characteristics of the local providers, clinicians, payers, and community leaders, and their relationships.

While Massachusetts has been pointed to as a model for national health reform - and the state should be proud of achieving near universal coverage - shifting the health system’s fuel source from volume to quality will be a much more profound achievement with longer lasting implications. After taking significant steps to increase insurance coverage to >97%, payment reform and delivery system transformation are the next logical tandem steps. Nothing else being discussed at the Federal level or in other states would have as sweeping an impact as going to an all-payer global payment system. (Yes, there are Federal and state demonstrations and pilot programs for medical homes and other more focused types of bundled payments, but they are toe-dipping rather than diving-in initiatives.)

Next Steps
The state legislature is expected to start hearings on the Special Commission’s recommendations in September.  At this point the major stakeholders - including insurers, doctors, and hospitals - are supporting the recommendations. Health reform advocates should start paying attention and figuring out how to mobilize support for the legislature to implement these recommendations so that no matter what happens with Federal reform, Massachusetts will be ahead of the curve in taking real steps to bend the spending growth curve. And if there is no Federal legislation this year, Massachusetts will be even farther ahead of the curve and positioned to lead the rest of the nation as well as create a more economically attractive environment for starting businesses and creating jobs - while improving the quality of healthcare.

Health Reform Hyperbole Heightens

By Michael D. Miller MD
July 21st, 2009

With Congress in the midst of considering health reform legislation, the slanting rhetoric about the proposals is escalating.  For example, TV shows such as The Daily Show are covering the debate, and Congressional Republicans have put out a graphic showing their view of the health system the proposal from the Democrats in the House of Representatives would create:

Republican View of Democrats Health Reform Plan - July 2009

What I find very, very, very interesting in this view, (prepared by Republican Congressional staff), is the top line of the graphic showing the US Congress operating on an equal basis with the President in running the Federal Departments of Treasure, HHS, VA, Defense, and Labor.   This might just be a liberal reading of the Constitutional powers of different branches of the Federal government - but I thought the Republican viewpoint tended to be more of a literal interpretation of the Constitution.  So while the point of this chart might have been to show how confusing the Democrats’ proposals might be, I’m more confused by what it shows about the Republican’s view of the role of Congress in running the government.

Simple v. Complex Solutions for Problems in Complex Systems
Having worked in the House and the Senate, and the White House and a Federal agency (NIH), I find this interpretation of the role of Congress in our government’s operations to be as worrisome as any potential complexity of the health reform proposals.  Actually, I would be more worried if our elected officials were saying that they had simple solutions to our health care system’s costs, access and quality problems, since that would violate the general principle of, “if it was simple, someone would have done it already.”  I think even the casual observing American would realize that our healthcare system is complex, and simple solutions aren’t realistic in the real world - which, of course, is very different than the political world.